Since October, nearly 63,000 youth have been
apprehended attempting to enter into the United States through the Mexican
border (Park, 2014). Since 2011, the number of children from Central America
attempting to enter America has doubled each year (United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees, 2014). These children, labeled either unaccompanied
minors (UAM) or unaccompanied alien children (UAC), are coming to the U.S. primarily from Honduras,
Guatemala, and El Salvador. They are frequently coming in an attempt to escape
poverty, sexual assault, violence from gangs, kidnapping, or murder. This
multi-part series of will explore the impact of border migration by
unaccompanied children and youth on social policy in the U.S.
Unaccompanied alien
children (UACs) are currently the center of much debate across the nation. President Obama has urged Congress to approve
$3.7 billion in emergency funds to address the influx of UACs, emphasizing the
need to speed up the deportation process (Folye, 2014). However, Congress remains divided on how to
address the situation. The crux of the debate
centers around two existing policies.
The first is Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA), an executive order from the Obama
administration that was signed in June 2012. DACA allows undocumented minors deferred
deportation if they arrived before 2007 and if they meet specific criteria. Deferment can be revoked at any time, and it
does not provide lawful immigration status, a green card, or citizenship. Instead, deferment indicates that the
Department of Human Services (DHS) does not consider the child a danger to
national security or public safety.
It
has been suggested the dramatic rise in UACs is a direct result of smugglers lying
to children and their families about DACA, telling them that they will be given a ‘free
pass’ to remain in the United States if they are able to successfully cross the
border. However, a study of over 400 UACs conducted by San Diego University
showed that children have limited knowledge about the U.S. immigration system
and few believe that they will be given special consideration based on their
age (Kennedy, 2014). In addition, legal
counsel and child advocates are rarely appointed to UAC immigration
proceeding. As a result more than half
of UACs do not have attorneys with them in court, or anyone to help them
navigate the confusing U.S. immigration system (Center for Gender & Refugee
Studies & Kids in Need of Defense, 2014).
This lack of representation increases the likelihood of a negative case
result, such as the UAC being returned to a dangerous living situation (Center
for Gender & Refugee Studies & Kids in Need of Defense, 2014).
Large gang populations in
their hometowns make UACs vulnerable to trafficking, as these gangs often
single out young children (Kennedy, 2013).
Boys are targeted for recruitment into gangs or to become child
soldiers; if they resist such recruitment, they are at risk of violence or
death. Girls are often targeted by gangs
to be ‘girlfriends’ or to be trafficked for sex (Kennedy, 2013). On the journey to America, youth face the
risk of being robbed, assaulted, and sexually violated by gangs, other
individuals, and even law enforcement officers (Cavendish & Cortazar,
2011).
When youth reach the
border, they reach out to a ‘coyote’ or ‘pollero’ to smuggle them across. The fee to cross is often over $1,000 per
person; if a youth does not have the money upfront they will become indebted to
the smuggler (Cavendis & Cortazar, 2011).
Youth may be forced or coerced into trafficking to repay their debt, or
may be sexually assaulted to have some of the debt forgiven.
Once UACs cross the border
successfully they are placed in shelters operated by the Office of Refugee
Resettlement (ORR). They stay in these shelters until ORR is able to release
the youth to relatives or other caregivers while they wait for their deportation
hearing. An estimated 90 percent of these children are able to be placed with a
caregiver, who may reside anywhere in the country (Lind, 2014). However, as we
will discuss in Part 3: The Impact of
Border Migration on U.S. Social Policies Related to Youth, placement in
America does not end the child’s vulnerability to exploitation.
- Caitlin Gallacher, ChildRight: New York Intern
Resources
Cavendish,
B. & Cortazar, M. (2011). Children at
the border: The screening, protection and repatriation of unaccompanied Mexican
minors. Washington, DC: Appleseed.
Center
for Gender & Refugee Studies (CGRS) & Kids in Need of Defense (KIND).
(2014). A treacherous journey: Child
migrants navigating the U.S. immigration system. Retrieved from http://www.supportkind.org/en/about-us/resources/download/63
Foley,
E., (2014). For border crisis, many bills but no clear answer. Retrieved from http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2014/07/17/border-crisis-bills_n_5597013.html
Kennedy, E. (2014b). ‘No place for children’: Central America’s youth
exodus. Retrieved from http://www.insightcrime.org/news-analysis/no-place-for-children-central-americas-youth-exodus
Kennedy,
E. (2013). Refugees from Central
American gangs. Forced Migrations Review,
43, 50-52. http://www.fmreview.org/en/fmr43full.pdf
Lind,
D. (2014). Thousands of children are fleeing Central America to Texas-
alone. Retrieved from http://www.vox.com/2014/6/4/5773268/children-migration-central-america-texas-unaccompanied-alien-children-border-crisis
Park,
H. (2014). Q. and A. Children at the Border.
Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2014/07/15/us/questions-about-the-border-kids.html?_r=0
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